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Re: USAGE: English adverbials 'the heck', 'the hell', etc.

From:And Rosta <a.rosta@...>
Date:Friday, April 9, 2004, 17:30
John Quijada:
> I have been pondering the strange morpho-syntax of the class of adverbial > phrases in colloquial American English involving expletive nouns or > expletive-like nouns which convey a harshly annoyed connotation. Such > expressions include 'the hell', 'the heck,' 'the f**k', etc. > > I notice the peculiarly narrow range of grammatically acceptable usages. > For example, they appear acceptable with all the WH-class of question > words, but using them in any answer to a WH-question appears to be > permissible only by means of an additional prepositional or quasi- > prepositional element, as in the following examples (grammatically > unacceptable forms marked with asterisks): > > WH-type Questions: > > What the hell are you doing? > Where the hell did he find that? > Why the hell is he coming? > Who the hell cares? > How the hell should I know? > > Answers to WH-type Questions: > > I'm mowing the lawn. > *I'm mowing the hell the lawn. > *I'm the hell mowing the lawn. > I'm mowing the hell OUT OF the lawn. > > He found it up in the attic. > *He found it the hell up in the attic. > *He the hell found it up in the attic. > He found it WAY the hell up in the attic.
This construction occurs with wh-interrogatives (in main or subordinate clauses ("He wondered what the hell she was doing")) and also -- a less determinately delimited environment -- as an apparent modifier of a locative result complement, typically (or only?) of GET, e.g. "I want you to get (?him) the hell away from me".
> There also appears to be a restriction in effect based on whether the > context denotes a scalar degree versus a fixed absolute degree (or is it
an
> aspectual restriction?). For example: > > I beat the hell out of him. > *I killed the hell out of him.
That looks to be an ordinary resultative construction, where "the hell" is subject, not modifier, of "out".
> The specific phrase 'the hell' (but apparently not 'the heck' or 'the > f**k') also appears in the following construction: > > The hell you're going to any party! > The hell he's marrying my daughter!
One of a wide range of related constructions in which 'rude words' function as negators. (Google for 'rude negators'.) Conlanger Nick Nicholas (translator of Klingon Hamlet) recently wrote a paper on these.
> ANYWAY.I'm curious as to whether anyone on the list is aware of a formal > grammatical treatment of such phrases in the linguistic literature.
No, but I haven't read recent stuff such as Jonathan Ginzburg's book on interrogatives. I did do some abortive work on the subject myself some years ago (specifically on whereabouts in the interrogative clause these phrases attach), but found nothing conclusive.
> I'm > especially curious as to why such phrases carry the highly unusual > compositional structure of DEFINITE ARTICLE + NOUN being used adverbially. > I can't think of any other types of nouns used this way in English, e.g., > > *Why the table don't you call me? > *When the sky did you get here? > *Where in the noodle have you been? > *They trashed the convenience out of his house. > *The responsibility you're marrying my daughter! > *The cat with you!
The requirement is that the phrases have to be (mild or strong) swearwords/cursewords. There's loads of idiolectal variation about which particular words work in these constructions. --And.

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Mark J. Reed <markjreed@...>