Theiling Online    Sitemap    Conlang Mailing List HQ   

Re: Degrees of volition in active languages (was Re:Chevraqis: asketch)

From:Thomas R. Wier <artabanos@...>
Date:Monday, August 14, 2000, 0:48
"H. S. Teoh" wrote:

> On Sun, Aug 13, 2000 at 02:41:42PM -0500, Thomas R. Wier wrote: > > "H. S. Teoh" wrote: > [snip] > > > Yeah, actually, now I recall my Greek professor emphatically saying in > > > class, "Use the article with proper names!". Some manuscripts, he said, > > > may omit the article, but as a rule, *we* were never supposed to omit the > > > article. > > > > No, it really isn't. Here're a couple examples from different authors of > > Attic Greek in different works: > [snip] > > Yes, what I meant was that the prof didn't want us (his students) to omit > the article. We did note that many passages omit the article for proper > names; but I suppose he wanted us to get into the habit of using the > article for names (since it's quite a foreign idea to English-speakers).
Okay, I understand. But what you wrote made it sound like *only some* manuscripts do not use the article, where the general rule is in fact precisely the opposite: most do. Besides, personally, telling someone to use the article *all* the time seems just as misleading as not telling them that you can use it sometimes. It really isn't used *that* often, in my experience.
> [snip] > > > As for the Greek article... it's actually quite an awesome thing. It's > > > much more flexible than, for example, the English article, especially when > > > used as a pseudo-pronoun (which, IIRC, is where it developed from). > > > > No, it had been fully a demonstrative pronoun. Nothing pseudo- about it. > > Well, by the time it got to Attic Greek, its use as a pronoun has been > mostly replaced by egw, su, he:meis, humeis, and autos. (Perhaps this only > applies to Attic Greek poetry -- I don't know enough about it to say for > sure.)
No... IIRC there are two divergent developments in the demonstative system. The 'ho, he:, to' system had formerly denoted proximative demonstratives like "this" and "here" in English. From this, it diverged into on the one hand the definite article, whereupon 'hode, hede, tode' was developed in its place. On the other, it came to be used sometimes as a third person personal pronoun, somewhat like modern (dialectal?) German "der, die, das". 'Autos', too, had been used as a third person personal pronoun in Homer, and so was not replaced as much as kept. The first and second person pronouns had always existed; they are in fact cognate with other IE languages' pronominal systems. Anyways, I'm sure Ray can come and correct all my errors here. :)
> [snip] > > > My theory is that widespread acceptance of a language usually causes it to > > > "degrade" or "simplify", losing a lot of old constructs in the process. > > > But I've yet to come up with a plausible explanation for languages > > > becoming *more* complex as they evolve. > > > > Not really. If all languages simplified, that would beg the question: "How > > complicated would the original ancestor language have to be?" After at > > least 100k years of language, the ancestor would have to be virtually > > infinitely complex to allow the kinds of complexity that we see in today's > > languages. > > No, I didn't say that all languages simplified! :-) As you said, that > wouldn't make any sense at all, since ancestor languages would have to be > unimaginably complex.
Oh, I'm sorry. I just totally misread you there. I don't know what I was thinking. Yeah, you're probably right there. (see below)
> However, from my limited observations, > simplification often happens during the period where the language gains > widespread acceptance. And I mean, *widespread*... as in koine Greek, > English, etc.. I can see why this happens -- when a language becomes > somewhat a lingua franca, people learning the language may not necessarily > be interested in its intricate details -- they just want to know enough to > communicate. Hence, there's a tendency to simplify.
No, I don't think it has anything really to do with *conscious* decisions not to learn it. Rather, I think it has to do with people not understanding subtle complexities like, for example, German's final devoicing, or the current use of the present subjunctive in English. When you get a lot of people from extremely divergent linguistic backgrounds, the amount that they'll have in common will approach the level of linguistic universals in direct proportion to that diversity. So, perhaps the language will begin to shed those features like the English present subjunctive which the great mass of the newer speakers do not internalize, *if* those new speakers are accepted as members of the earlier speech community. If there are high barriers to entry into that society, there may be no trace of the new speakers' entry linguistically. To put a face on this, you could say that the extremely low level of Native American loan words and grammatical features into American English is due to (a) their being obliterated by government fiat*, and (b) by intense racial prejudice against those who did survive. I speculate that something similar may have happened against the Celts by the Angles, Saxons and Jutes invading Britain some 15 centuries ago. (minus the 'government fiat' bit; it was probably just an orgy of violence ;( ) This would explain why the number of Celtic loan words in English is so vanishingly small, indeed, smaller than the number of Native American loanwords in current American English. The contrary example is the conquests by Alexander. He had an active policy of integrating all the natives with the Macedonians and Greeks, so as to make firm his hold on his conquests, because, so he probably reasoned, blood is thicker than water. Despite the fact that the Diadokhoi (successor generals) did not carry on with his integrations, and indeed, implemented racist policies against the native populations, they never went so far as to completely eliminate them. Indeed, the Rosetta stone is evidence that the Ptolemies were increasingly reliant on the native elites, in that case, the Egyptian priesthood, who would learn their own language for religious purposes, and Greek for dealing with the government. (* To be fair, the majority were killed by disease, however, before they ever saw the "White Men")
> What I meant to say was, I know that sometimes languages do gain > complexity, but I haven't quite figured out why it would.
Well, complexity in what? That's the central question. There are no languages that are several orders of magnitude more complex than other languages. The figure that I saw on sci.lang some time ago was that the most complex language is only about 1.4 times more complex than the simplest language (I don't know how that figure was arrived at, however). So, if most languages are pretty close in complexity to all other languages, that leads us to think that it is not so much complexity of a language as a whole, but complexity of various subunits of that language that may be compared with reasonable accuracy. So, for example, a language's morphology may become more complex through the process known as grammaticalization (on which you can find many books; search in Barnesandnoble.com for "grammaticalization"). Contrarily, may also lose morphological complexity, exchanging this for syntactic complexity. English, for example, used to be an SOV language, generally speaking, but it could also have most any other wordorder, since its morphology was carrying the grammatical load. Today, English morphology is relatively simple, but its syntax is incredibly complex. Two simple examples: (a) Do-support: interrogatives require inversion of the auxilliary, and if there is none, one must be provided ('do'). 'I have gone to the store' --> 'Have I gone to the store?'; BUT 'I went to the store' --> 'Did I go to the store?' (b) Verbal particles: Otherwise identical-looking verbs are shown to be different by the behavior of verbal particles like "up", "down", etc. 'Jack and Jill ran up the hill' 'Jack and Jill ran up the bill' *'Jack and Jill ran the hill up' 'Jack and Jill ran the bill up' (In this case, 'up the hill' is a constituent, a PP, while 'up the bill' is not) ====================================== Tom Wier | "Cogito ergo sum, sed credo ergo ero." ======================================