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Re: THEORY: Why more than two grammatical relations?

From:J. 'Mach' Wust <j_mach_wust@...>
Date:Thursday, October 18, 2007, 15:55
On Sat, 13 Oct 2007 14:47:54 -0400, Eldin Raigmore wrote:

>>The distinction of arguments and adjuncts is familiar >>to me, though I didn't know the English terms. I >>used "complement" as an ad-hoc translation >>for 'argument' in my last post. The distinction of >>core and oblique, however, is new to me. > >These ideas, themselves, are parts of most theories. >But the terms I've used for them are theory-specifc, and not all specific to the >same theory.
That might be, but then I just have a quite different background with Germanistic linguistics. For one, linguistics in another language, not in English, so there are other traditions, and then, linguistics of one specific language.
>Well, I know that the philosophy behind Keenan's "Subject Properties List" is >that syntactic subjecthood is fuzzy or a continuum; but I'd never heard before >that the "core vs oblique" distinction was. (Nor that it wasn't; I've just not >been told much about that.)
If it is syntactic properties such as "subjecthood" or "objecthood" what makes a certain form belong to the core, and these properties are fuzzy, then I guess, it also will be fuzzy what belongs to the core or not.
>>From that I'd say that there's nothing quirky about >>German dative or genitive objects with intransitive >>verbs except that they are the verb's only object, > >Well, unless the genitive marking or adposition is just like some GR's marking or >adposition, the genitive is always a quirky way to mark a GR, because the >genitive is an adnominal case, and GRs are usually marked with adverbial >syntactic cases.
That might be so in some theories, but I think that's a poor explanation for the German genitive (and as far as I know the same goes for the genitives in other Indoeuropean languages).
>>It seems to me that the German dative is not much >>different from the English prepositional phrases >>with "to". The semantics are quite predictable. Both >>can occur as the second argument of an intransitive >>verb, for instance "she listened to him" – "sie hörte >>ihm zu" she.NOM listened him.DAT [detached part of >>the verb]. Incidently, both languages may use these >>as a replacement of constructions with double >>transitive > >("ditransitive") > >>verbs (in German only in special cases, though), for >>instance "she teached him a trick" – "sie lehrte ihn >>einen Trick" she.Nom teached him.ACC a trick.ACC. The >>involvement in grammatical phenomena is quite low, so >>I'd say both the English to-phrases and German dative >>would be more "oblique" by your definition than >>nominative and accusative. > >I didn't know English and German were so similar in this regard. > >Recipients are human goals, so the semantics of the dative and the allative >are similar; so it's no surprise that one of the ways of indicating the recipient >in English and German is by using the allative adposition ("to" oder "zu").
That seems to be a misunderstanding. German doesn't use a construction with "zu" as a replacement, but the dative. Therefore, I said that there is a parallel between the German dative and the English construction with "to". However, that replacement is less common than in English. The Duden grammar notes a "tendency" toward that replacement and illustrates it by literary quotes that show dative-accusative instead of ditransitive double accusative, and it notes that especially when the non-human goal is passivized, the use of the dative for the human goal has become quite common, for instance: "Ihm wurden viele Tricks gelehrt." him.DAT became.3rd.pl many tricks.NOM taught 'Many tricks were taught to him.'
>>The more grammatical relations, the more oblique. > >Not sure what you meant. >Perhaps something like: >"The more GRs a language has, the less distinction it makes between the 'later' >GRs and oblique arguments."?
Something like that. --- grüess mach ...tt väutt iš so pphérfiit, tassiseħ säutte-noter nie na pìuter, vomer fore ccmaħt hei, rìħtett...